"World" editorial. Some silver lining. Almost four years after the British earthquake in favor of Brexit, the time is no longer for lamentation but for Europe. The endless political crisis that followed the referendum in London in June 2016 was positive in that it not only allowed Europeans to grieve for their forty-seven years of marriage to the United Kingdom, where love never succeeded in flowering, but also in serenely analyzing the causes of the rupture.
Even if it is a purely national decision, linked as much to the insularity as to the historical bond so singular which the British maintain with the exercise of sovereignty, its motivations refer to forces largely with the works in the 27 other countries of the Union: nationalism, feeling of abandonment of those forgotten by globalization, distrust of institutions and political leaders, demagogy and populism.
Political chaos and economic uncertainty following the choice of divorce have showered the hopes of those who, on the continent and in particular in France, dreamed of following the example of the United Kingdom. It would be wrong, however, to forget the lessons of Brexit: the absolute need for Europe to bounce back, to reconnect with the populations on continental subjects such as industrial policy, the climate and migration, and to rise on the plan diplomatic and military at the height of its place of great industrial and commercial power. As much as the British, "Permanent hassles since 1973" in the words of former MEP Alain Lamassoure, can no longer serve as an alibi for European paralysis.
Because Brexit is first of all a failure: cut off from one of its main members, the European Union loses 66 million inhabitants, a major contributor to its budget and more than 15% of its gross domestic product (GDP) . It is also a threat: the logic of divorce and the speeches of Boris Johnson announce the establishment of a " competitor at our door In the words of Angela Merkel.
Preserving the single market
The trade and diplomatic negotiations that are underway are likely to be less rowdy and publicized than the recent contests in the Westminster Parliament. They appear to be more crucial to the future of relations with London, on which millions of jobs and the security of Europe depend. Even if the balance of power is clearly in favor of the EU, which accounts for 47% of British exports (compared to 7% of European exports to the United Kingdom), the showdown will be tough.
Faced with a now external partner, very experienced in the art of dividing to rule, the EU must demonstrate, under the leadership of Michel Barnier, the same unity as that which it has shown so far. The absolute need to preserve the single market threatened by London's claims and the Irish question made it possible to maintain this cohesion which was by no means won in advance. However, the subjects of haggling will not be lacking, in the battle of ragpickers which is announced: fishing against City; automobile against agricultural quotas, immigration against military aid. The 27 must imperatively show solidarity if they want to limit the damage of Brexit and transform a resounding and painful divorce into a new common adventure.
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