The scene seemed unthinkable in Lebanon a few months ago, before the popular uprising: booed by spectators, a former prime minister is ordered to leave the concert he is about to attend, at the prestigious American University of Beirut. Sunday, December 15, the slogan chanted in the public against Fouad Siniora, former right-hand man of Rafic Hariri, ex-finance minister and head of government from 2005 to 2009, was unambiguous: "Outside, Siniora. "
Trying to remain impassive, the former senior official shook a few hands, surrounded by bodyguards, before leaving. After this forced exit, extensively commented on social networks, Mr. Siniora defended himself on his Twitter account, Monday: "History will prove that I have always worked in the interest of Lebanon. "
The incident may seem anecdotal, as the country is threatened with economic collapse and violence is increasing. But for supporters of the revolt that has been going on since October 17, the episode shows that society has changed. Even though there are not as many protesters taking to the streets, Lebanese are no longer afraid of attacking the political elite.
Suspected diversion
The face of 76-year-old Fouad Siniora was poached on walls in downtown Beirut, like those of other politicians accused of corruption by the protest movement. When head of government, Lebanon had no budget, and its political adversaries accuse it of having manipulated the accounts and embezzled public funds. Mr. Siniora has always denied these accusations. In November, he was heard during a judicial investigation.
If they are no longer untouchable, politicians remain deaf when the system is called into question by the people. The usual calculations for power sharing have been behind the scenes since the resignation of Prime Minister Saad Hariri in late October. “The revolt has caused a lot of damage in relations between political parties: alliances have been broken. But the training did not change their software ", decrypts a deputy.
On Monday, parliamentary consultations to appoint a new head of government were postponed until the last minute, less because of street anger than lack of agreement. Saad Hariri, expected to return, could not get the support of either of the two major Christian parties. The same day, protesters went to his home to express their refusal to see him run a new cabinet.
Risk of slippage
The prolongation of the political crisis increases the risks of slippage. On Monday evening, violence took hold again, after the clashes over the weekend. Young Lebanese, claiming their Shi'a affiliation and from a neighboring neighborhood which is a reservoir of the Amal and Hezbollah parties, descended, armed with stones, towards the city center. Displaying flags of these political parties and religious standards, they burned cars. Supporters of the two Shiite groups have repeatedly attacked the protest sites in Beirut since October 17. The confrontation with the security forces, who used tear gas, lasted for hours. Riot police and the military were deployed in force. Hezbollah and Amal, the party of the speaker of parliament, Nabih Berri, called on the troublemakers to leave the street.
That did not stop their supporters from attacking protest camps in the south of the country. Lebanese media reported that a video had set fire to the powder: a native of Tripoli, a city in northern Lebanon, predominantly Sunni, was insulting the Shiites there. The man’s family, who lives abroad, repudiated his remarks. Religious leaders, Sunnis and Shiites, intervened on the television at night, in order to calm the spirits. On social networks, supporters of the revolt denounced, in the broadcast of this video, a manipulation. They know that they – like Lebanon – have everything to lose from a sectarian confrontation.
